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Yazar "Lale, Aybala" seçeneğine göre listele

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  • Küçük Resim Yok
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    Is a Theory of Cyberspace Dominance Possible? An Assessment from the Perspective of China’s Cyber Sovereignty Approach
    (2024) Lale, Aybala
    In today’s rapidly digitalizing world, cybersecurity requires the protection of information and communication technologies as well as the infrastructure of countries. In this framework, some countries consider cyber sovereignty to be connected with cybersecurity as an approach that discloses the control and authority of states over their digital infrastructures. This study analyzes the cybersecurity policies and understanding of cyber sovereignty in China. In doing so, the possibility of theorizing dominance in cyberspace is discussed. In this context, the main purpose of this study is to examine the theoretical dimensions of cybersecurity and cyber sovereignty concepts and to analyze China’s cybersecurity policies and cyber sovereignty approach. Cyberspace represents a new field of dominance in international relations. Rather than providing a definitive answer to whether cyber sovereignty is possible under international law, the focus should be on how cyber sovereignty can play a role in international power struggles and shape cybersecurity policies. In this context, the study’s methodology consists of a brief introduction to cybersecurity, followed by an analysis of the research question of whether cyberspace dominance is possible and the concept of cyber sovereignty. Within the scope of the theoretical framework, a literature review of the relevant concepts was conducted, and China’s cybersecurity policies and cyber sovereignty approach were analyzed as a case study. The documents, sources, and data discussed throughout the study demonstrate China’s understanding of cyber sovereignty and how it is shaped on international platforms. The study concludes that if China sees cyberspace sovereignty as the key to becoming a global power in the international system, it must integrate all factors, including military, political, and economic factors, besides cybersecurity.
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    Minority Events in the Democrat Party Era and Their Effects on Turkish Democracy
    (Onur Alp KAYABAŞI, 2019) Lale, Aybala
    The concept of '' minority '', which refers to those who are separated in terms of a particular quality within the society has continued its existence since people began to live in societies. This concept derives from the Latin word ‘minor’, which means ‘small, few’, and is used to refer to those who are less in number, as well as those who are different in terms of a quality. However, there is no clear definition of a minority accepted by the international community. This brings different models and reviews to the debate about the concept of minority. Particularly, with the rise of nation states and the rise of interstate relations, the importance of this concept and contributions to the international politics became inevatible.The Republic of Turkey has also been interested in the minority issue inherited from the Ottoman Empire since its establishment; interpreted this concept with different definition from legal and sociopolitical aspects. To better understand these definitions, perception towards minorities from Ottoman ‘millet’ system to 1876 Constitution will be examined. There are still minority groups in Turkey which still seperate culturally, ethnically and religiously, even though they are not as rich as it was in the Ottoman State. Under the ‘millet system’, non-Muslims were allowed to organize their own religious, social and legal lives, and as a result of the Western states use of these nations against the Ottomans, nationalist movements were strengthened. Thus, the Ottoman State had to grant many privileged rights to minorities by announcing the Tanzimat and Islahat Edicts. These minorities were the biggest supporters of those who invaded Anatolia after the Armistice of Mondros, which effectively ended the Ottoman Empire. The status of minorities in the new Turkish state was also determined by the Treaty of Lausanne.As for the Democrat Party period, good treatment of minorities existed during the first years of party power, but this changed in later periods. The Greek Cypriots' ideal of ENOSIS and the increase of terrorising movements in Cyprus were instrumental in changing this policy. The "anti-Greek" in Turkish public opinion increased its violence with a newspaper report declaring that "a bomb attack was carried out on Atatürk's house in Thessaloniki" when the dates of September 6 showed and caused the events of September 6-7. President Celal Bayar and Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, who were in Istanbul during the events, returned to Ankara by train on the evening of 6 September. Then, with a statement from the Prime Minister's office, martial law was declared in Istanbul and Izmir. The public perception of the events of September 6-7 was that they were organized by the Democrat Party. However, there are conflicting views on the perpetrators of the incidents.When we look at the events of 6-7 September, which marked the Democrat Party period and were one of the reasons for the shame of Turkish democracy, it is seen that the past Unitarian and anti-minority society structure was also effective as well as the effect of the conjuncture. The Democrat Party, which started with the Democratic motto, should be evaluated within this framework for failing to meet the requirements of a treaty that established the Republic of Turkey and which has great importance in democracies. 39th article of The Treaty of Lausanne. and 40th article by re-examining the articles, it is seen that the Democrat Party has violated the provisions that non-Muslim minorities and Muslims shall enjoy the same political rights and be subject to the same legal action and safeguards. It was also observed that the law on the immunity of life, property, rape and housing, which was included in the constitution of that period, dated 1924, was not complied with.In the study, when all the topics are evaluated together, it is predicted that a majoritarian democracy concept prevails in Turkish democracy based on the minority example in the context of the Democrat Party. But whether a pluralistic understanding of democracy would be possible is open to debate. When the Democrat Party came to power, the Republic of Turkey, which was only 27 years old, needed time to digest its democratic regime. In this period, there is a dilemma in democracy. On the one hand, the rights granted to non-Muslims by the Treaty of Lausanne cannot be applied, on the other hand, the existence of different religious, ethnic and cultural groups is recognized and allowed to integrate into society. While the Democratic Party is committed to creating a homogeneous nation, historical, cultural and economic ties have not allowed it. As a result, a pluralistic democracy in the Democratic Party era needed to define a minority on the basis of human rights and in accordance with international law, and to secure minority rights more vigorously. It is obvious that the common sense of belonging and values have been formed among these nations, which have lived together for many years, and with these values, the foundations of a pluralistic society in which basic rights and freedoms are brought to life under normal conditions can be laid. Minority events, seen as a black mark in the history of Turkish democracy, have also deeply shaken Turkey's international prestigeThis study examines these minorities and minority events of the Democrat Party Era in the context of their impacts on Turkish democracy. In this context, in the first part of the study, definitions about the concept of minority will be discussed. In the second part, the point of view of Republic of Turkey to minorities will be evaluated within the framework of the Treaty of Lausanne. In the last part of the study, the minority events in the Democrat Party Era and its effects on Turkish democracy will be analyzed.
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    THE SOFT POWER OF SOUTH KOREA
    (Mehmet Akif KARA, 2020) Lale, Aybala
    The phenomenon of power in International Relations is among the concepts often discussed. The concept of ‘power’ with rising realism in 20th century was understood as military and economic power; power extends beyond this meaning today and incorporates different elements. In this context, ‘soft power’ has become one of the most important and referred concepts in International Relations. The concept of soft power, which can be defined as the ability of an actor to make another actor to do something it would not likely do itself, is shaped through elements such as culture, politics, economics, diplomacy. In particular, the complex structure of international relations today makes the international actors’ use of their ‘soft power’ potentials convenient. Today, the rapid leap in science and technology, especially the internet, has made it easier for states to produce, execute and disseminate soft power policies, making the use of soft power a kind of indispensable for a peaceful environment. In this study, the concept of power was first discussed within the framework of different approaches. Then the concept of hard power, which is one of the power types, is defined as the opposite of the concept of soft power. The main axis of the study, Joseph Nye's concept of soft power, was evaluated within the framework of International Relations and South Korea was examined as an example of soft power. Elements of soft power have been laid out in the context of the diplomatic, economic, cultural and political implications possessed by rising power South Korea. South Korea is particularly successful in presenting popular culture as the most basic source of its soft power.
  • Küçük Resim Yok
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    Women in The Shadow of Ideology: Women's Rights in North Korea
    (2025) Lale, Aybala
    Described as a 'closed box' in the interna- tional system, North Korea is characterized by a governing ideology that penetrates every aspect of life: Juche. Conceived as a philosophy of self-sufficiency, Juche helps North Korea maintain its authoritarian system. In this authoritarian and closed society, women are probably the most disadvantaged group. Indeed, North Korea is one of the world's worst human rights violators. The position of North Korean women, who were shaped as political actors, representatives of the revolution, and founding elements during the founding period of the country, has evolved in a completely different direction today. In the official discourse, women and mothers are used synonymously, but it is often stated that women should devote themselves entirely to the ideology and the leader's guidance. In addition to ideology, the hierarchical order of the Confucian system of thought that has influenced East Asian societies is also behind this idea. In these societies, a woman is obliged to obey her husband and is a mother. While the international community is preoccupied with the threat of North Korea becoming a nuclear power, the rights of North Korean women are ignored. The fact that the majority of North Koreans who defect today are women reveals the seriousness of the situation. This study examines how women's rights in North Korea are shaped within the framework of the Juche ideology. The study will focus on evaluating the discrepancy between the rights officially granted to women and how these rights are implemented in practice, while also analyz- ing the status of women under the influence of ideology. It aims to uncover the struggle of North Korean women, who are portrayed as integral to the socialist system, in their fight against oppression.

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